SpanglefishAfrica Inform International - Shaping African Images... | sitemap | log in
Spanglefish Gold Status Expired 20/07/2014.

Africa - The Best & Finest...  

 

Nelson Rolihlahla MANDELA

  • Former President, African National Congress
  • Former President of South Africa
See the 'Mandela Page' for a listing of Mandela resources
source: http://www.anc.org.za/people/mandela.html

Kwame Nkrumah

  • The Father of Global Pan-Africanism

 
  • First President of Independent Ghana

 

 

 

 

 

 

From You Tube: Extract of Kwame Nkrumah Speech
THE UNITED STATES OF AFRICA, Kwame Nkrumah Speaks!
 
 

Short Biography of Kwame Nkrumah

source:

http://www.africawithin.com/nkrumah/nkrumah_bio.htm

Kwame Nkrumah became the first prime and later president of Ghana. He was born on September 21, 1909, at Nkroful in what was then the British-ruled Gold Coast, the son of a goldsmith. Trained as a teacher, he went to the United States in 1935 for advanced studies and continued his schooling in England, where he helped organize the Pan-African Congress in 1945. He returned to Ghana in 1947 and became general secretary of the newly founded United Gold Coast Convention but split from it in 1949 to form the Convention People's party (CPP).

After his 'positive action' campaign created disturbances in 1950, Nkrumah was jailed, but when the CPP swept the 1951 elections, he was freed to form a government, and he led the colony to independence as Ghana in 1957. A firm believer in African liberation, Nkrumah pursued a radical pan-African policy, playing a key role in the formation of the Organization of African Unity in 1963. As head of government, he was less successful however, and as time passed he was accused of forming a dictatorship. In 1964 he formed a one-party state, with himself as president for life, and was accused of actively promoting a cult of his own personality. Overthrown by the military in 1966, with the help of western backing, he spent his last years in exile, dying in Bucharest, Romania, on April 27, 1972. His legacy and dream of a "United States of African" still remains a goal among many.

Nkrumah was the motivating force behind the movement for independence of Ghana, then British West Africa, and its first president when it became independent in 1957. His numerous writings address Africa's political destiny.

 

PATRICE LUMUMBA SPEECH - (Source - Youtube)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rzPO4KQCZP8&feature=related

Discours/Speech of Patrice Lumumba, June 30, 19...

 expocongodotcom

 Background:

After a long struggle, the Congolese were finally free from Belgian occupation and the great independence leader, Lumumba was democratically elected to rule over the new government.

During the official independence celebration the new prime minister, Lumumba, gave a fiery unrehearsed speech in the presence of African leaders and the King of Belgium, who naturally felt a bit uncomfortable.

A few months later, Lumumba was assassinated even though he had the leadership and vision to create a prosperous Congo and Africa. Many think that some foreign leaders did not like him because he could not be tamed.

Tags: 

Patrice  Lumumba  Democratic  Republic  Congo  République  Démocratique  Zaire  Mobutu  Kinshasa  Emery  Independence  kivu

 

 

Obama - The 21st Century Global African...

First Black President of the United States of America

Text of President Barack Obama's speech in Accra, Ghana:

Saturday, 11/07/09

OBAMA: Good afternoon, everybody. It is a great honor for me to be in Accra and to speak to the representatives of the people of Ghana. I am deeply grateful for the welcome that I've received, as are Michelle and Malia and Sasha Obama. Ghana's history is rich, the ties between our two countries are strong, and I am proud that this is my first visit to sub-Saharan Africa as president of the United States of America. 

I want to thank Madam Speaker and all the members of the House of Representatives for hosting us today. I want to thank President Mills for his outstanding leadership. To the former presidents — Jerry Rawlings, former President Kufuor — vice president, chief justice — thanks to all of you for your extraordinary hospitality and the wonderful institutions that you've built here in Ghana. 

I'm speaking to you at the end of a long trip. I began in Russia for a summit between two great powers. I traveled to Italy for a meeting of the world's leading economies. And I've come here to Ghana for a simple reason: The 21st century will be shaped by what happens not just in Rome or Moscow or Washington, but by what happens in Accra, as well. 

This is the simple truth of a time when the boundaries between people are overwhelmed by our connections. Your prosperity can expand America's prosperity. Your health and security can contribute to the world's health and security. And the strength of your democracy can help advance human rights for people everywhere. 

So I do not see the countries and peoples of Africa as a world apart; I see Africa as a fundamental part of our interconnected world ... as partners with America on behalf of the future we want for all of our children. That partnership must be grounded in mutual responsibility and mutual respect. And that is what I want to speak with you about today. 

We must start from the simple premise that Africa's future is up to Africans.
I say this knowing full well the tragic past that has sometimes haunted this part of the world. After all, I have the blood of Africa within me, and my family's ... my family's own story encompasses both the tragedies and triumphs of the larger African story. 

Some you know my grandfather was a cook for the British in Kenya, and though he was a respected elder in his village, his employers called him "boy" for much of his life. He was on the periphery of Kenya's liberation struggles, but he was still imprisoned briefly during repressive times. In his life, colonialism wasn't simply the creation of unnatural borders or unfair terms of trade — it was something experienced personally, day after day, year after year. 

My father grew up herding goats in a tiny village, an impossible distance away from the American universities where he would come to get an education. He came of age at a moment of extraordinary promise for Africa. The struggles of his own father's generation were giving birth to new nations, beginning right here in Ghana. Africans were educating and asserting themselves in new ways, and history was on the move. 

But despite the progress that has been made — and there has been considerable progress in many parts of Africa — we also know that much of that promise has yet to be fulfilled. Countries like Kenya had a per capita economy larger than South Korea's when I was born. They have badly been outpaced. Disease and conflict have ravaged parts of the African continent. 

In many places, the hope of my father's generation gave way to cynicism, even despair. Now, it's easy to point fingers and to pin the blame of these problems on others. Yes, a colonial map that made little sense helped to breed conflict. The West has often approached Africa as a patron or a source of resources rather than a partner. But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants. In my father's life, it was partly tribalism and patronage and nepotism in an independent Kenya that for a long stretch derailed his career, and we know that this kind of corruption is still a daily fact of life for far too many. 

Now, we know that's also not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or a need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with repeated peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections. And by the way, can I say that for that the minority deserves as much credit as the majority. And with improved governance and an emerging civil society, Ghana's economy has shown impressive rates of growth. 

This progress may lack the drama of 20th century liberation struggles, but make no mistake: It will ultimately be more significant. For just as it is important to emerge from the control of other nations, it is even more important to build one's own nation. 

So I believe that this moment is just as promising for Ghana and for Africa as the moment when my father came of age and new nations were being born. This is a new moment of great promise. Only this time, we've learned that it will not be giants like Nkrumah and Kenyatta who will determine Africa's future. Instead, it will be you — the men and women in Ghana's parliament — the people you represent. It will be the young people brimming with talent and energy and hope who can claim the future that so many in previous generations never realized. 

Now, to realize that promise, we must first recognize the fundamental truth that you have given life to in Ghana: Development depends on good governance. That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That's the change that can unlock Africa's potential. And that is a responsibility that can only be met by Africans. 

As for America and the West, our commitment must be measured by more than just the dollars we spend. I've pledged substantial increases in our foreign assistance, which is in Africa's interests and America's interests. But the true sign of success is not whether we are a source of perpetual aid that helps people scrape by — it's whether we are partners in building the capacity for transformational change. 

This mutual responsibility must be the foundation of our partnership. And today, I'll focus on four areas that are critical to the future of Africa and the entire developing world: democracy, opportunity, health, and the peaceful resolution of conflict.
First, we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments. 

As I said in Cairo, each nation gives life to democracy in its own way, and in line with its own traditions. But history offers a clear verdict: Governments that respect the will of their own people, that govern by consent and not coercion, are more prosperous, they are more stable and more successful than governments that do not. 

This is about more than just holding elections. It's also about what happens between elections. Repression can take many forms, and too many nations, even those that have elections, are plagued by problems that condemn their people to poverty. No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves ... or if police — if police can be bought off by drug traffickers. No business wants to invest in a place where the government skims 20 percent off the top ... or the head of the port authority is corrupt. No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. That is not democracy, that is tyranny, even if occasionally you sprinkle an election in there. And now is the time for that style of governance to end. 

In the 21st century, capable, reliable and transparent institutions are the key to success — strong parliaments; honest police forces; independent judges ... an independent press; a vibrant private sector; a civil society. Those are the things that give life to democracy, because that is what matters in people's everyday lives. 

Now, time and again, Ghanaians have chosen constitutional rule over autocracy and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through. We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously — the fact that President Mills' opponents were standing beside him last night to greet me when I came off the plane spoke volumes about Ghana; victors who resist calls to wield power against the opposition in unfair ways. We see that spirit in courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. We see it in the young people who are speaking up against patronage and participating in the political process. 

Across Africa, we've seen countless examples of people taking control of their destiny and making change from the bottom up. We saw it in Kenya, where civil society and business came together to help stop postelection violence. We saw it in South Africa, where over three-quarters of the country voted in the recent election — the fourth since the end of apartheid. We saw it in Zimbabwe, where the Election Support Network braved brutal repression to stand up for the principle that a person's vote is their sacred right. 

Now, make no mistake: History is on the side of these brave Africans, not with those who use coups or change constitutions to stay in power. Africa doesn't need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.
Now, America will not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation.

The essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. But what America will do is increase assistance for responsible individuals and responsible institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance — on parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that opposition voices are heard ... on the rule of law, which ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic participation, so that young people get involved; and on concrete solutions to corruption like forensic accounting and automating services ... strengthening hot lines, protecting whistle-blowers to advance transparency and accountability. 

And we provide this support. I have directed my administration to give greater attention to corruption in our human rights reports. People everywhere should have the right to start a business or get an education without paying a bribe. We have a responsibility to support those who act responsibly and to isolate those who don't, and that is exactly what America will do. 

Now, this leads directly to our second area of partnership: supporting development that provides opportunity for more people.
With better governance, I have no doubt that Africa holds the promise of a broader base of prosperity. Witness the extraordinary success of Africans in my country, America. They're doing very well. So they've got the talent, they've got the entrepreneurial spirit. The question is, how do we make sure that they're succeeding here in their home countries? The continent is rich in natural resources. And from cell phone entrepreneurs to small farmers, Africans have shown the capacity and commitment to create their own opportunities. But old habits must also be broken. Dependence on commodities — or a single export — has a tendency to concentrate wealth in the hands of the few and leaves people too vulnerable to downturns. 

So in Ghana, for instance, oil brings great opportunities, and you have been very responsible in preparing for new revenue. But as so many Ghanaians know, oil cannot simply become the new cocoa. From South Korea to Singapore, history shows that countries thrive when they invest in their people and in their infrastructure ... when they promote multiple export industries, develop a skilled work force and create space for small and medium-sized businesses that create jobs. 

As Africans reach for this promise, America will be more responsible in extending our hand. By cutting costs that go to Western consultants and administration, we want to put more resources in the hands of those who need it, while training people to do more for themselves. That's why our $3.5 billion food security initiative is focused on new methods and technologies for farmers — not simply sending American producers or goods to Africa. Aid is not an end in itself. The purpose of foreign assistance must be creating the conditions where it's no longer needed. I want to see Ghanaians not only self-sufficient in food, I want to see you exporting food to other countries and earning money. You can do that. 

Now, America can also do more to promote trade and investment. Wealthy nations must open our doors to goods and services from Africa in a meaningful way. That will be a commitment of my administration. And where there is good governance, we can broaden prosperity through public-private partnerships that invest in better roads and electricity; capacity-building that trains people to grow a business; financial services that reach not just the cities but also the poor and rural areas. This is also in our own interests — for if people are lifted out of poverty and wealth is created in Africa, guess what? New markets will open up for our own goods. So it's good for both.
 

One area that holds out both undeniable peril and extraordinary promise is energy. Africa gives off less greenhouse gas than any other part of the world, but it is the most threatened by climate change. A warming planet will spread disease, shrink water resources and deplete crops, creating conditions that produce more famine and more conflict. All of us — particularly the developed world — have a responsibility to slow these trends — through mitigation, and by changing the way that we use energy. But we can also work with Africans to turn this crisis into opportunity. 

Together, we can partner on behalf of our planet and prosperity and help countries increase access to power while skipping — leapfrogging the dirtier phase of development. Think about it: Across Africa, there is bountiful wind and solar power; geothermal energy and biofuels. From the Rift Valley to the North African deserts; from the Western coasts to South Africa's crops — Africa's boundless natural gifts can generate its own power, while exporting profitable, clean energy abroad. 

These steps are about more than growth numbers on a balance sheet. They're about whether a young person with an education can get a job that supports a family; a farmer can transfer their goods to market; an entrepreneur with a good idea can start a business. It's about the dignity of work; it's about the opportunity that must exist for Africans in the 21st century. 

Just as governance is vital to opportunity, it's also critical to the third area I want to talk about: strengthening public health.
In recent years, enormous progress has been made in parts of Africa. Far more people are living productively with HIV/AIDS, and getting the drugs they need. I just saw a wonderful clinic and hospital that is focused particularly on maternal health. But too many still die from diseases that shouldn't kill them. When children are being killed because of a mosquito bite, and mothers are dying in childbirth, then we know that more progress must be made. 

Yet because of incentives — often provided by donor nations — many African doctors and nurses go overseas, or work for programs that focus on a single disease. And this creates gaps in primary care and basic prevention. Meanwhile, individual Africans also have to make responsible choices that prevent the spread of disease, while promoting public health in their communities and countries. 

So across Africa, we see examples of people tackling these problems. In Nigeria, an interfaith effort of Christians and Muslims has set an example of cooperation to confront malaria. Here in Ghana and across Africa, we see innovative ideas for filling gaps in care — for instance, through E-Health initiatives that allow doctors in big cities to support those in small towns.
 

America will support these efforts through a comprehensive, global health strategy, because in the 21st century, we are called to act by our conscience but also by our common interest, because when a child dies of a preventable disease in Accra, that diminishes us everywhere. And when disease goes unchecked in any corner of the world, we know that it can spread across oceans and continents. 

And that's why my administration has committed $63 billion to meet these challenges — $63 billion. Building on the strong efforts of President Bush, we will carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS. We will pursue the goal of ending deaths from malaria and tuberculosis, and we will work to eradicate polio. We will fight — we will fight neglected tropical disease. And we won't confront illnesses in isolation — we will invest in public health systems that promote wellness and focus on the health of mothers and children. 

Now, as we partner on behalf of a healthier future, we must also stop the destruction that comes not from illness, but from human beings — and so the final area that I will address is conflict. 

Let me be clear: Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at perpetual war. But if we are honest, for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. There are wars over land and wars over resources. And it is still far too easy for those without conscience to manipulate whole communities into fighting among faiths and tribes. 

These conflicts are a millstone around Africa's neck. Now, we all have many identities — of tribe and ethnicity; of religion and nationality. But defining oneself in opposition to someone who belongs to a different tribe or who worships a different prophet has no place in the 21st century.

Africa's diversity should be a source of strength, not a cause for division. We are all God's children. We all share common aspirations — to live in peace and security; to access education and opportunity; to love our families and our communities and our faith. That is our common humanity.
 

That is why we must stand up to inhumanity in our midst. It is never justified, never justifiable to target innocents in the name of ideology. It is the death sentence of a society to force children to kill in wars. It is the ultimate mark of criminality and cowardice to condemn women to relentless and systemic rape. We must bear witness to the value of every child in Darfur and the dignity of every woman in the Congo. No faith or culture should condone the outrages against them. And all of us must strive for the peace and security necessary for progress. 

Africans are standing up for this future. Here, too, in Ghana we are seeing you help point the way forward. Ghanaians should take pride in your contributions to peacekeeping from Congo to Liberia to Lebanon ... and your efforts to resist the scourge of the drug trade. We welcome the steps that are being taken by organizations like the African Union and ECOWAS to better resolve conflicts, to keep the peace and support those in need. And we encourage the vision of a strong, regional security architecture that can bring effective, transnational forces to bear when needed. 

America has a responsibility to work with you as a partner to advance this vision, not just with words, but with support that strengthens African capacity. When there's a genocide in Darfur or terrorists in Somalia, these are not simply African problems — they are global security challenges, and they demand a global response.
 

And that's why we stand ready to partner through diplomacy and technical assistance and logistical support, and we will stand behind efforts to hold war criminals accountable. And let me be clear: Our Africa Command is focused not on establishing a foothold in the continent, but on confronting these common challenges to advance the security of America, Africa and the world. 

In Moscow, I spoke of the need for an international system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed. And that must include a commitment to support those who resolve conflicts peacefully, to sanction and stop those who don't, and to help those who have suffered. But ultimately, it will be vibrant democracies like Botswana and Ghana which roll back the causes of conflict and advance the frontiers of peace and prosperity.
As I said earlier, Africa's future is up to Africans. 

The people of Africa are ready to claim that future. And in my country, African Americans — including so many recent immigrants — have thrived in every sector of society. We've done so despite a difficult past, and we've drawn strength from our African heritage. With strong institutions and a strong will, I know that Africans can live their dreams in Nairobi and Lagos, Kigali, Kinshasa, Harare, and right here in Accra. 

You know, 52 years ago, the eyes of the world were on Ghana. And a young preacher named Martin Luther King traveled here, to Accra, to watch the Union Jack come down and the Ghanaian flag go up. This was before the march on Washington or the success of the civil rights movement in my country. Dr. King was asked how he felt while watching the birth of a nation. And he said: "It renews my conviction in the ultimate triumph of justice." 

Now that triumph must be won once more, and it must be won by you. And I am particularly speaking to the young people all across Africa and right here in Ghana. In places like Ghana, young people make up over half of the population. 

And here is what you must know: The world will be what you make of it. You have the power to hold your leaders accountable, and to build institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new connections to the world. You can conquer disease and end conflicts and make change from the bottom up. You can do that. Yes you can ... because in this moment, history is on the move. 

But these things can only be done if all of you take responsibility for your future. And it won't be easy. It will take time and effort. There will be suffering and setbacks. But I can promise you this: America will be with you every step of the way — as a partner, as a friend. Opportunity won't come from any other place, though. It must come from the decisions that all of you make, the things that you do, the hope that you hold in your heart. 

Ghana, freedom is your inheritance. Now, it is your responsibility to build upon freedom's foundation. And if you do, we will look back years from now to places like Accra and say this was the time when the promise was realized; this was the moment when prosperity was forged, when pain was overcome, and a new era of progress began. This can be the time when we witness the triumph of justice once more. Yes we can. Thank you very much. God bless you. Thank you.  

 

Under Pressure By "People Power", Has Ex-U.S. Ally, Gen. Museveni Exhausted Bag Of Tricks After 27 Years?..
26 July 2013

Under Pressure By "People Power", Has Ex-U.S. Ally, Gen. Museveni Exhausted Bag Of Tricks After 27 Years? - See more at: http://www.blackstarnews.com/global-politics/africa/under-pressure-by-people-power-has-ex-us-ally-gen-museveni-exhausted-bag-of#sthash.GgbMy6pW.dpuf    Vincent MagombeJuly 26,2013

 

[Global: Africa--Analysis]

There is a new buzz-word echoing on the streets of Kampala, the Ugandan capital and reverberating across the towns and villages of the East African nation.

From the corridors of the Ugandan Parliament, to the various places of work, and even in Universities and colleges, everyone is whispering the words -- People Power. Even in President Yoweri K. Museveni’s State House, security personnel, in particular the Special Forces Command, headed by Museveni’s own son Muhoozi Kaneirugaba, the daily pre-occupation seems to be how to quell what they see as an impending "People Power Revolt".

In Kampala, business is no longer as usual. Apart from the visible heavy deployment of armed police and military troops, the city's residents are getting used to the daily high-speed car chases of opposition leaders by armed state operatives.

There're routine arrests of those viewed as pro-democracy activists including scores this week. An American journalist, Taylor Krauss, was snared this week while filming violent arrest of activists.

Mayor of Kampala, Erias Lukwago, arrested for touring the city: Prominent among those routinely arrested and charged for alleged "intent to cause mass revolt" is Dr. Kizza Besigye, the former leader of the largest opposition party, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC); he's no stranger to past violent arrests. Ambassador Olara Otunnu, a former United Nations Under-Secretary General, who now heads the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) party was dragged to court on charges of criminal libel against Gen. Museveni.

Even the Mayor of Kampala, Mr. Elias Lukwago, has not been spared. If he is not being arrested inside the city, as he goes about meeting the residents, he, like many other senior opposition leaders, is kept under house arrest, a "preventative" measure meant to prevent them from getting to the centre of Kampala, where, the regime fears, they might be joined by thousands of their supporters, triggering a North African-style mass revolt.  Recently he was viciously attacked by the government's agents who fired teargas into his vehicle, leading to his hospitalization.

Military joining national uprising: Until recently, it was the political opposition, led by Dr. Besigye and others, plus groups of young pro-democracy activists, who were keeping dictator Museveni sleepless. Mass demonstrations, dubbed "Walk-to-Work Protests", which took place in 2011-2012, were severely put down by the security forces, when they nearly brought down the regime.

But now, a wholly new dimension has materialized. Worryingly for President Museveni, for the first time ever, the scent of revolt has arrived in military barracks. Top generals and commanders are starting to openly discuss the possibility of a national revolt against his regime. Increasingly, the 26 year-old rule of Gen. Museveni is facing a multi-dimensional revolt involving both civilians and members of his own military and security services. This is making the regime appear more and more shaky and vulnerable.

The General Sejusa factor: Into this mix now enters General David Sejusa, who's now a much-sought-after individual. Major international news networks have been falling over each other in a rush to interview this former Museveni right-hand man. In just a month since leaving Uganda, he has been the focus of news reports or interviews on the BBC, Voice of America, The Times of UK, The Washington Post, Reuters and other global networks, as he spat venom at his former boss. Sejusa accuses the Ugandan dictator of plotting to install his son, Brigadier Muhoozi Kaneirugaba as future President.But, even more ominously, Sejusa alleges that Museveni and his Police Commander, General Kale Kayihura, have been planning to assassinate several senior military and state officials who are deemed to be against the so-called "Muhoozi Project". 

Museveni’s son Muhoozi commands the Special Forces Command and the Presidential Guard.

When General David Sejusa, who, until his escape into exile in London was Uganda’s Coordinator of Intelligence Services and Senior Advisor to President Museveni, wrote his explosive letter about the purported assassination plot against senior army and government officials, few Ugandans expected the fall out to be so far-reaching and transformative of the entire anti-Museveni struggle.

Signs of deep crisis at Museveni’s State House first surfaced when reports of a major clamp down in the top army command were published in Uganda’s newspapers. Gen. Museveni moved very quickly to remove senior army officers with links to General Sejusa away from sensitive positions. Among them was General Aronda Nyakairima, who was moved from the post of Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) into the civilian Ministry of Internal Affairs, meaning he would have to resign from the army as the constitution requires.

Gen. Nyakairima and Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi were also reportedly on the hit list of those seen as opposing the "Muhoozi Project".

Other senior Commanders were either sent outside Uganda to work in the country’s embassies, while others were arrested and are now facing what many Ugandans believe are trumped-up charges. A number of those arrested have been commanding the AMISOM (United nations-African Union) contingents in Somalia, where they have been fighting against the Islamist Al-Shabab Movement.

Alleged Attempted Military Coup: And now reports have surfaced about a number of General Sejusa’s associates, who according to the Kampala regime, have to face the military courts on charges of planning to overthrow the Museveni regime through a coup.

General Sejusa has denied planning any military coup, but confirmed that he has now joined the opposition struggle intended to remove President Museveni from power as soon as possible.

The Sejusa-factor is being seen by many in the opposition struggle as a game-changer, as evidence of serious fractures start to appear within the Museveni political and military establishment. On the political side, rebellious ruling NRM party members have been expelled, and a growing number of Museveni supporters, both within the leadership hierarchy and the rank-and-file party membership, have started openly criticizing the leadership style of Gen. Museveni.

In spite of some criticisms from some opposition quarters about the role that Gen. Sejusa is believed to have played in the security clampdown against opposition activists, there is a growing realization that the anti-Museveni campaign is being boosted by the emerging divisions within Museveni’s own camp.

A recent joint declaration by leading opposition leaders pointed to the need to reach out to key military officers and NRM party leaders, with the view to encouraging them to join the on-going struggle for change. It seems that this opposition call for unity of purpose among Ugandans is being welcomed not only by senior Museveni commanders, but also by low-ranking military and security service operatives, who are reported to be deserting their barracks in their hundreds, taking with them their uniforms and ammunition. In an attempt to stop the hemorrhage Gen. Museveni has ordered major security operations in several cities and regions of Uganda, including his own home region of Ankole.

Ugandans are referring to these operations as "Panda Gari", meaning "Get on the truck", on a journey that leads to already overcrowded police and military prisons.

Renewed call for street protests: To exacerbate Gen. Museveni’s fears and problems, a powerful group of pro-democracy activists, called For God and My Country (4GC), whose leaders organized the "Walk-to-Work" Protests, has issued a call for renewed street protests.

These protests are being planned to coincide with country-wide strikes by teachers, taxi drivers, doctors, university lecturers, and other civil servants.

The stated reasons for the strikes are the recently imposed high taxes and failure of the regime to pay salaries. The Kampala government is struggling to find money to pay salaries, after international donors cut off aid in recent months citing entrenched corruption and the routine stealing of donor funds in the Prime Minister’s office and other government departments. Among those affected are police and army functionaries, some of whom have not received their pay from May 2013.

For President Museveni, the growing symbiosis between the workers strikes and the political protests organized by the 4GC Movement, not only provides a major challenge to his security forces, but also threatens to consolidate the hand of his numerous enemies who are determined to overthrow his regime.

Already some analysts, both local and international, are suggesting that Gen. Museveni is quickly losing grip of power, and there are real doubts whether he will survive much longer. The next Presidential elections are scheduled for 2016, and Museveni is believed to be planning to run again on the NRM party ticket.

With increasing numbers of Ugandans opposing his rule, and an even larger number fighting against his purported plan to impose his son Brigadier Muhoozi as future President, it is hard to imagine how he could win those elections.

Non-the-less the coming weeks and months may be crucial, as the pressure for Museveni to step down mounts. The question to be asked is bound to change from "Will Museveni win the 2016 elections?" to "Will Museveni survive the impending people Power Revolt?"

Dr. Vincent Magombe is a London-based Ugandan journalist and broadcaster, and Director of Africa Inform International.


- See more at: http://www.blackstarnews.com/global-politics/africa/under-pressure-by-people-power-has-ex-us-ally-gen-museveni-exhausted-bag-of#sthash.GgbMy6pW.dpuf                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              

Under Pressure By "People Power", Has Ex-U.S. Ally, Gen. Museveni Exhausted Bag Of Tricks After 27 Years?..
26 July 2013

Under Pressure By "People Power", Has Ex-U.S. Ally, Gen. Museveni Exhausted Bag Of Tricks After 27 Years? - See more at: http://www.blackstarnews.com/global-politics/africa/under-pressure-by-people-power-has-ex-us-ally-gen-museveni-exhausted-bag-of#sthash.GgbMy6pW.dpuf    Vincent MagombeJuly 26,2013

 

[Global: Africa--Analysis]

There is a new buzz-word echoing on the streets of Kampala, the Ugandan capital and reverberating across the towns and villages of the East African nation.

From the corridors of the Ugandan Parliament, to the various places of work, and even in Universities and colleges, everyone is whispering the words -- People Power. Even in President Yoweri K. Museveni’s State House, security personnel, in particular the Special Forces Command, headed by Museveni’s own son Muhoozi Kaneirugaba, the daily pre-occupation seems to be how to quell what they see as an impending "People Power Revolt".

In Kampala, business is no longer as usual. Apart from the visible heavy deployment of armed police and military troops, the city's residents are getting used to the daily high-speed car chases of opposition leaders by armed state operatives.

There're routine arrests of those viewed as pro-democracy activists including scores this week. An American journalist, Taylor Krauss, was snared this week while filming violent arrest of activists.

Mayor of Kampala, Erias Lukwago, arrested for touring the city: Prominent among those routinely arrested and charged for alleged "intent to cause mass revolt" is Dr. Kizza Besigye, the former leader of the largest opposition party, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC); he's no stranger to past violent arrests. Ambassador Olara Otunnu, a former United Nations Under-Secretary General, who now heads the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) party was dragged to court on charges of criminal libel against Gen. Museveni.

Even the Mayor of Kampala, Mr. Elias Lukwago, has not been spared. If he is not being arrested inside the city, as he goes about meeting the residents, he, like many other senior opposition leaders, is kept under house arrest, a "preventative" measure meant to prevent them from getting to the centre of Kampala, where, the regime fears, they might be joined by thousands of their supporters, triggering a North African-style mass revolt.  Recently he was viciously attacked by the government's agents who fired teargas into his vehicle, leading to his hospitalization.

Military joining national uprising: Until recently, it was the political opposition, led by Dr. Besigye and others, plus groups of young pro-democracy activists, who were keeping dictator Museveni sleepless. Mass demonstrations, dubbed "Walk-to-Work Protests", which took place in 2011-2012, were severely put down by the security forces, when they nearly brought down the regime.

But now, a wholly new dimension has materialized. Worryingly for President Museveni, for the first time ever, the scent of revolt has arrived in military barracks. Top generals and commanders are starting to openly discuss the possibility of a national revolt against his regime. Increasingly, the 26 year-old rule of Gen. Museveni is facing a multi-dimensional revolt involving both civilians and members of his own military and security services. This is making the regime appear more and more shaky and vulnerable.

The General Sejusa factor: Into this mix now enters General David Sejusa, who's now a much-sought-after individual. Major international news networks have been falling over each other in a rush to interview this former Museveni right-hand man. In just a month since leaving Uganda, he has been the focus of news reports or interviews on the BBC, Voice of America, The Times of UK, The Washington Post, Reuters and other global networks, as he spat venom at his former boss. Sejusa accuses the Ugandan dictator of plotting to install his son, Brigadier Muhoozi Kaneirugaba as future President.But, even more ominously, Sejusa alleges that Museveni and his Police Commander, General Kale Kayihura, have been planning to assassinate several senior military and state officials who are deemed to be against the so-called "Muhoozi Project". 

Museveni’s son Muhoozi commands the Special Forces Command and the Presidential Guard.

When General David Sejusa, who, until his escape into exile in London was Uganda’s Coordinator of Intelligence Services and Senior Advisor to President Museveni, wrote his explosive letter about the purported assassination plot against senior army and government officials, few Ugandans expected the fall out to be so far-reaching and transformative of the entire anti-Museveni struggle.

Signs of deep crisis at Museveni’s State House first surfaced when reports of a major clamp down in the top army command were published in Uganda’s newspapers. Gen. Museveni moved very quickly to remove senior army officers with links to General Sejusa away from sensitive positions. Among them was General Aronda Nyakairima, who was moved from the post of Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) into the civilian Ministry of Internal Affairs, meaning he would have to resign from the army as the constitution requires.

Gen. Nyakairima and Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi were also reportedly on the hit list of those seen as opposing the "Muhoozi Project".

Other senior Commanders were either sent outside Uganda to work in the country’s embassies, while others were arrested and are now facing what many Ugandans believe are trumped-up charges. A number of those arrested have been commanding the AMISOM (United nations-African Union) contingents in Somalia, where they have been fighting against the Islamist Al-Shabab Movement.

Alleged Attempted Military Coup: And now reports have surfaced about a number of General Sejusa’s associates, who according to the Kampala regime, have to face the military courts on charges of planning to overthrow the Museveni regime through a coup.

General Sejusa has denied planning any military coup, but confirmed that he has now joined the opposition struggle intended to remove President Museveni from power as soon as possible.

The Sejusa-factor is being seen by many in the opposition struggle as a game-changer, as evidence of serious fractures start to appear within the Museveni political and military establishment. On the political side, rebellious ruling NRM party members have been expelled, and a growing number of Museveni supporters, both within the leadership hierarchy and the rank-and-file party membership, have started openly criticizing the leadership style of Gen. Museveni.

In spite of some criticisms from some opposition quarters about the role that Gen. Sejusa is believed to have played in the security clampdown against opposition activists, there is a growing realization that the anti-Museveni campaign is being boosted by the emerging divisions within Museveni’s own camp.

A recent joint declaration by leading opposition leaders pointed to the need to reach out to key military officers and NRM party leaders, with the view to encouraging them to join the on-going struggle for change. It seems that this opposition call for unity of purpose among Ugandans is being welcomed not only by senior Museveni commanders, but also by low-ranking military and security service operatives, who are reported to be deserting their barracks in their hundreds, taking with them their uniforms and ammunition. In an attempt to stop the hemorrhage Gen. Museveni has ordered major security operations in several cities and regions of Uganda, including his own home region of Ankole.

Ugandans are referring to these operations as "Panda Gari", meaning "Get on the truck", on a journey that leads to already overcrowded police and military prisons.

Renewed call for street protests: To exacerbate Gen. Museveni’s fears and problems, a powerful group of pro-democracy activists, called For God and My Country (4GC), whose leaders organized the "Walk-to-Work" Protests, has issued a call for renewed street protests.

These protests are being planned to coincide with country-wide strikes by teachers, taxi drivers, doctors, university lecturers, and other civil servants.

The stated reasons for the strikes are the recently imposed high taxes and failure of the regime to pay salaries. The Kampala government is struggling to find money to pay salaries, after international donors cut off aid in recent months citing entrenched corruption and the routine stealing of donor funds in the Prime Minister’s office and other government departments. Among those affected are police and army functionaries, some of whom have not received their pay from May 2013.

For President Museveni, the growing symbiosis between the workers strikes and the political protests organized by the 4GC Movement, not only provides a major challenge to his security forces, but also threatens to consolidate the hand of his numerous enemies who are determined to overthrow his regime.

Already some analysts, both local and international, are suggesting that Gen. Museveni is quickly losing grip of power, and there are real doubts whether he will survive much longer. The next Presidential elections are scheduled for 2016, and Museveni is believed to be planning to run again on the NRM party ticket.

With increasing numbers of Ugandans opposing his rule, and an even larger number fighting against his purported plan to impose his son Brigadier Muhoozi as future President, it is hard to imagine how he could win those elections.

Non-the-less the coming weeks and months may be crucial, as the pressure for Museveni to step down mounts. The question to be asked is bound to change from "Will Museveni win the 2016 elections?" to "Will Museveni survive the impending people Power Revolt?"

Dr. Vincent Magombe is a London-based Ugandan journalist and broadcaster, and Director of Africa Inform International.


- See more at: http://www.blackstarnews.com/global-politics/africa/under-pressure-by-people-power-has-ex-us-ally-gen-museveni-exhausted-bag-of#sthash.GgbMy6pW.dpuf                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              

Sudan Darfur rebels attack North Kordofan military..
25 July 2013

24 July 2013 Last updated at 16:59

Sudan Darfur rebels attack North Kordofan - military                                                                                                              
 

Sudanese rebels from Darfur have attacked an army position in North Kordofan, killing five soldiers in fierce fighting, the military has said.

North Kordofan has been relatively untouched by the violence in Darfur and near the border with South Sudan.

South Sudan denies charges it backs the Darfur rebels.

Details of the battle are unclear, but it comes ahead of Sudan's deadline to halt oil exports from Sudan Sudan over the allegations of rebel support.

South Sudan seceded in 2011, under the terms of a 2005 peace deal to end Africa's longest-running civil war.

Over the past two years, relations between the two neighbours have soured over oil revenues and accusations that they are backing rebel movements in each other's territories.Rebels who had fought for the South during the war but found themselves on the Sudanese side of the border after the separation took up arms, saying their concerns had not been addressed.

Along with three Darfuri rebel groups they formed the Sudan Revolutionary Front and have mainly been active in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, which border South Sudan.

Fleeing

Both sides are claiming victory in the clashes in the Sidrah area of North Kordofan, a region that produces gum arabic, a food additive used in soft drinks.


"We handed the army a defeat," Reuters news agency quotes Gibril Adam Bilal, rebel spokesman for Darfur's Justice and Equality Movement (Jem), as saying.

Military spokesman Col Sawarmi Khalid Saad said the rebels had attacked with the aim of robbing properties and Sidrah was now "under full control of the armed forces which are still pursuing the rebels' remnants", the state-run Suna news agency reports.

A resident in the nearby town of Rahad told Reuters people had arrived fleeing the fighting.

Another Rahad resident told the AFP news agency that shooting and explosions had been heard in the town.

"Authorities closed the schools and asked students to go home."

Last month, Sudan told the South it would stop transporting oil within 60 days following accusations Juba backed rebels operating on Sudanese soil.

The oil had only begun flowing again in April after production was shut down by South Sudan for 14 months in a dispute over transit fees.

South Sudan has a large-scale oil sector - it took nearly three-quarters of Sudan's oil production when it declared its independence - but the country is landlocked and reliant on Sudan's ports for export.

Click for MapWikanikoWork from Home
sitemap | cookie policy | privacy policy